This article was written in 1995 before the AFL-CIO
president’s fall from power. However, it includes relevant
information on the history of that organization and its involvement
with right wing organizations and the government’s foreign policy
objectives. The title should not be taken literally. There are still
many important “cold warriors” in the AFL-CIO establishment waiting
for the day to return to power.
By Jim Smith
They won’t be toppling larger-than-life statues of Lane Kirkland, but
in many other respects the AFL-CIO chief’s slow-motion fall from
power parallels the demise of his hated enemies in the former Soviet
Bloc. Land Kirkland, Cold Warrior par excellence and scholarly leader
of 13.3 million workers, apparently has been outmaneuvered by his old
allies, the presidents of unions who hold a majority of the votes at
the AFL-CIO convention this October.
The palace revolution against the 73-year-old Kirkland seems to have
the support of the great majority of labor union activists. When the
magazine Labor Notes asked its readers to vote for their choice for
AFL-CIO president, nearly 800 responded. Only five voted to retain
Kirkland. When hundreds of local and national union leaders turned
out to hear Kirkland at an AFL-CIO forum, April 21 in Los Angeles,
not one speaker took advantage of an open mike to urge Kirkland to
continue his tenure.
The opposition to Kirkland surfaced earlier this year, but his
troubles have their roots in foreign and domestic events that began
during the Reagan years. While Ronald Reagan, to Kirkland’s delight,
was overheating the Soviet economy by forcing it to try to keep up
with a greatly expanded arms race, he was also giving the green light
to corporations to declare war on their unions.
The Social Compact
%%An informal social compact between corporations and unions dating
back to mid-century had brought relative labor peace and prosperity
to the two sides. Corporations agreed to wage and benefit increases
in ritualized contract negotiations every three years. Labor
institutionalized its struggle by taking it off the shop floor and
into arbitration hearings. Collective bargaining arbitration and
labor board proceedings were handled by labor relations
“professionals.” The role left to rank-and-file members was to pay
their dues and gratefully accept annual wage increases.
In order to hold up its end of the social compact, “responsible”
union leaders had to clean house. Communists, Socialists and even
apolitical militants were all tarred with the red-baiting brush. With
the help of anti-Communists industry councils and Congressional
committees, those wanting to continue the day-to-day struggles
against management either were driven out of their jobs or learned to
shut up. Unions came to resemble insurance companies to whom members
would turn on rare occasions when they had a problem on the job.
By the 1970s, foreign competition was forcing U.S. manufacturers to
restructure in order to maintain high levels of profit. Auto, Steel,
Rubber, Electrical and other industries began closing plants and
making massive layoffs. Some local unions tried to form coalitions
against plant closings. The results, in most cases, were pathetic.
Community organizations that hadn’t heard from a union in 30 years
were asked to help save the jobs of some of the highest paid workers
in town. In the end, the plants closed and the unions were shown to
be powerless. Corporate observers got a first-hand look at how weak
labor had become.
In retrospect, the wave of plant closings was only the opening sally
before the all-out assault. The declaration of war was made by Ronald
Reagan, in 1981, when he fired striking air traffic controllers who
worked for the federal government. When PATCO struck, Reagan
responded by permanently replacing 12,000 highly-skilled workers. It
was the labor relations equivalent of tactical nuclear weapons.
During the previous years of the social compact, strikes were usually
a set piece. The union walked out and the company obligingly closed
its plant (often using up excess inventory). In many cases, health
benefit payments continued to be made by the employer and company
credit unions made loans to needy strikers.
Sidney Lens described a steel strike during this period: “At one of
the Chicago mills, the United States Steel Company put up a desk,
inside its gates, for the picket captain. It ran a power line and
water to the union’s six trailers where strikers were resting. One
night it bought the boys some beer. At another mill, the corporation
provided movable, washrooms for the union men.”‘ Ironically, Lens
reminisced, if the strike had been in 1936 or 1896, “there would have
been strikebreakers, beatings, arrests, injunctions.” Lens, and too
many union leaders, believed that the old days would never
return.
In one stroke, Reagan removed the strike as an option for the vast
majority of workers. Now, workers had to choose between going on
strike and keeping their jobs. In 1974, there had been 424 strikes
each involving at least 1,000 workers. By 1994, there were only 45
such strikes.
Labor losing new class war
%%Since PATCO, the new class war has been a rout for labor. Real
weekly wages (in 1982 dollars) fell from $315 in 1972 to only $253 in
1995. For millions of workers, health care premiums. formerly fully
paid by the company were now at least partially coming out of
workers” reduced paychecks. Pay cuts, not raises, turned up in
thousands,of company collective bargaining proposals. In most
negotiations, unions fought a slow retreat on contract language
provisions that made life at work bearable. Many unions began
claiming victory if they didn’t have to accept everything the company
wanted to take away.
In the 1980s, organizing the unorganized slowed to a crawl as
corporations hired professional union busters who promised to
maintain a “union-free environment.” In long, drawn-out election
campaigns, unions were hard-pressed to point to any good reasons why
workers should risk the wrath of their bosses and vote for the union.
Union-busters raised the specter of years of contract negotiations,
lower wages, lower benefits, exorbitant dues and strikes that
couldn’t be won. Many union administrators concluded that organizing
was not a good investment of resources and gave up.
Union membership that had peaked at 35.5 percent of the workforce in
1945 did not drop below 30 percent until 1973. The slow decline
became a joy-ride downhill in the 1980s and 1990s and stands today at
15.5 percent.
It may have been just bad luck for Lane Kirkland that he took
organized labor’s helm in 1979 just as the roof fell in. The election
of a Democratic president in 1992 actually made his plight worse.
Rising expectations throughout the labor movement after Clinton’s
election came more from blind faith than from pronouncements of the
new Democratic administration. Clinton’s labor secretary, Robert
Reich, was a Harvard professor, not a union person. Reich believed in
job retraining and labor-management cooperation to boost
productivity, but had little to say about unions.
Anticipation grew into alarm as Clinton and the Democrats first
fumbled the jobs bill, then health care reform, and passed NAFTA
without promised labor protections. Last summer, Democrats failed to
shut off a mock-filibuster by Republicans against a bill that would
have outlawed the permanent replacement,of strikers. Some in labor,
including AFL-CIO ,Secretary-Treasurer Tom Donahue promised that a
forthcoming report by the Dunlop Commission would spark irresistible
pressure for labor law reform in favor of unions. Meanwhile,
anti-union Republicans won control of the House of Representatives,
in spite of Kirkland and Donahue’s best efforts on behalf of
Democrats.
Instead of leading the, way to labor law reform, the report of the
Dunlop Commission, released in January, proved to be the final nail
in Kirkland’s political coffin. ‘The report urged the creation of
labor management committees to boost productivity against foreign
competition. But even the Bush-appointed National Labor Relations
Board had concluded such committees were illegal if they talked about
wages, hours, and working conditions. The 1935 Wagner Act outlawing
company unions applied to any organizations dominated by management
that intruded into areas reserved for unions.
Congressional Republicans, sensing a good thing, immediately
introduced the Team Act which would I amend the labor code to permit
wide-ranging employer-dominated committees in the workplace.
The one-party state begins to crack
%%If the 13-million-member labor federation was a country, it would
be among the oldest one-party states in the world. From 1917 until
its demise, eight held supreme power in the Soviet Union. During the
same period, the American Federation of Labor, and later the AFL-CIO,
was led by four people-Samuel Gompers, William Green, George Meany,
and Lane Kirkland.
Until January 28, understanding what went on at the top level of the
AFL-CIO was. an art akin to that of a Kremlinologist analyzing the
relative positions of Soviet leaders atop Lenin’s tomb during the
annual May Day parade. And even the Washington Post article that
first reported unhappiness with Kirkland failed to mention the name
of a single international union president. All were afraid to speak
on the record.
Slowly they emerged from the woodwork. Gerald McEntee of the million
member American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees
(AFSCME) became the spokesperson. John Sweeney of the Service
Employees and Richard Trumka,of the Mine Workers became rumored
candidates. With the exception of Ron Carey, President of the
Teamsters, and Trumka, none of the insurgents are particularly known
for their support of union democracy or rank-and-file militancy. Yet,
they know that the situation is desperate and something drastic must
be done.
Perhaps fearful that the precedent of deposing a lack-luster
president might ‘spread, most of the dissident leaders had,hoped to
convince Kirkland to go peacefully. The group would then install Tom
Donahue as a one-term president while a new leader was groomed.
Donahue spoiled this neat scenario, May 8, when he suddenly announced
his retirement. The next day, Kirkland proclaimed he was running for
reelection, setting the stage for the first-ever contested election
for AFL-CIO leadership.
Differences remain among the rebels as to how radical the AFL-CIO
reform must be. However, John Sweeney, a moderate, who leads one of
the most successful unions acknowledges that the labor movement is
“irrelevant to the vast majority of unorganized workers.” Sweeney
calls for building grass-roots political committees, committing third
of unions’ revenues to organizing and initiating multi-union,
industry-wide campaigns to regain labor’s strength and size.
The AFL-CIA
Lane Kirkland, the person who has presided over labor’s free-fall
during the past 15 years does not fit the stereotype of a union
leader. Born in 1922, in the small town of Camden, South Carolina,
Kirkland went to college instead of into a plant or mill. During
World War II, he graduated from an accelerated program at the U.S.
Merchant Marine Academy and went to sea for a few years, ultimately
rising to First Mate and earning his entree into the labor movement,
membership in the Masters, mates and Pilots union.
After World War II, Kirkland’s career took a curious turn. He earned
a Bachelor’s degree from Georgetown’s School of Foreign Service in
1948. After graduation, some say he went to work for the State
Department, others allege that was just a cover for intelligence
work. Ultimately Kirkland turned up at AFL-CIO headquarters and
quickly became George Meany’s administrative assistant. In 1969, he
was elevated to the number two position, secretary-treasurer, and
nominated by Meany to succeed him as president in 1979.
During the Cold War, unions were enlisted by the CIA and State
Department to join the fight against communism. Money and resources
were channeled to anti-Communist unions throughout the world, How
much came from members’ dues and how much was laundered from the CIA
won’t be known until the AFL-CIO archives are opened someday.
A divorce of the AFL-CIO from the national’s foreign policy
establishment would be a historic day. What that scene might be like
was described in an AFSCME-sponsored union history, Power to the
Public Worker, by Richard Billings and John Greenya. The book
chronicles Jerry Wurf’s rise to power in 1964: “When Wurf first
arrived at AFSCME headquarters following the 1964 convention, he
noticed the presence of what he describes as ‘trench-coat’ types.
Wurf and others .had heard rumors of an AFSCME relationship with the
Central Intelligence Agency, even the possibility that CIA funds had
found their way into the effort to reelected Zander (Wurf’s
opponent).”
It was disclosed later that other unions, including the Newspaper
Guild, Communications Workers of America, Retail Clerks (now United
Food and Commercial Workers) and the Oil, Chemical and Atomic
Workers, had also taken CIA money.
Kirkland and the Socal Democrats
Paralleling Kirkland’s rise from ship’s First Mate to Captain of
the labor movement has been the involvement of a shadowy organization
called the Social Democrats, USA which has its headquarters in the
AFL-CIO building. SDUSA is the most rightwing of three splinters of
the old Norman Thomas-led Socialist Party. Public members of the
publicity shy organization include the late Bayard: Rustin, longtime
head of the AFL-CIO’s A. Phillip Randolph Institute and Albert
Shanker, President of the American Federation of Teachers and a
staunch supporter of Kirkland.
The major tenet of SDUSA and the
AFL-CIO’s International Affairs Department continues to be
anticommunism. This guiding philosophy led both organizations to
support the war in Vietnam and aid right-wing dictatorships around
the world. Under Kirkland, the AFL-CIO and various unions send money
and personnel to intervene around the world on behalf of the U. .
government. Sometimes, union aid is sent directly but mostly it is
funneled through Various labor foreign policy groups including the
American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD) for Latin
America, the African-American Labor Center, the Asian-American Free
Labor Institute and the Free Trade Union Institute, for Europe.
According to AFL-CIO documents, these four organizations have battled
the establishment of progressive governments and labor movements or
have promoted American interests in Jamaica, El Salvador, Nicaragua,
45 African countries, 30 Asian and Pacific countries, and in several
European countries. Kirkland chairs each of these four organizations
and chooses the executive directors. The specific activities of the
four organizations are buried within the files of the AFL-CIO’s
(International Affairs Department, headed by Kirkland crony, Charles
Gray.
One of the public activities of the International Affairs Department
is the publication of a slick quarterly magazine, Forum. The latest
issue devotes all 44 pages to a diatribe against unions in eastern
Europe, years after the collapse of the Soviet Bloc. Not a word is
mentioned about cross-border solidarity with Mexican workers, NAFTA,
GATT, runaway shops, or other issues that directly affect American
workers.
One of the proud achievements of the Kirkland administration is the
co-creation of the National Endowment for Democracy, which was active
in opposing the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. The NED was co-sponsored,
by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, one of labor’s traditional enemies,
the Democratic Party, and the Republican Party.
In its 1985 Executive Council Report, the AFL-CIO shows the
possibility of money laundering. It reports that the AIFLD received
$7.1 million the previous year for “34 special programs to promote
and strengthen democracy in Latin American and the Caribbean.” AIFLD
got the money from the Free Trade Union Institute, which on another
page is described as receiving much of its funding,from the National
Endowment for Democracy. Kirkland and the AFL-CIO were years ahead of
Oliver North.
In 1993, after the fall of communism, the AFL-CIO was still spending
more of its own money, $2,466,000, on international affairs than it
spent on education, legislation, or organizing.
Domestic AFL-CIO departments also seem to be focused on political
orthodoxy and control. Frontlash, a youth group run out of the
federation’s headquarters has been instrumental in recruiting
“right-thinking” college students and placing them in unions and in
state and county branches of the AFL-CIO. One AFL-CIO staff member,
who talked on condition that neither he nor his AFL-CIO branch be
identified, bragged that his region had never been infiltrated-.
“From time to time, they try to get someone in, but we usually spot
them before they come on staff. If not, we weed them out real
fast.”
The intersection of anti-communism and conservatism has drawn strange
bedfellows to the top rungs of labor. Malcomb Forbes, Jr., not known
for his love of unions, has heaped effusive praise in the pages of
his magazine for Kirkland’s work on the board that oversees Radio
Free Europe. The right-wing magazine, The American Spectator,
eulogized Tom Kahn, AFL-CIO International Affairs Director when he
died in 1992 for being stronger in his support for Lech Walesa than
the Reagan administration. The magazine reminisced about his 1980
speech to an SDUSA gathering in which he predicted, “the destruction
of Communism was in reach if only the democratic world approached the
challenge with firmness.”
The White Male Club
If some leaders of the top unions and the AFL-CIO are united by
ideology, nearly all are united by ,race, gender,. and age. While
many unions seek to develop African-American, Latino, and Asian
organizers, it’s a different story at the decision-making levels of
labor. When asked recently how affirmative action can be extended to
the top levels of labor, Kirkland responded that it’s up to the
affiliates (unions) to make the change. However, even unions that
represent large numbers of people of color, such as those in the
garment, hotel, and other low wage industries, are led by white
males.
Affirmative action works well for white males, particularly those
with family connections. Arthur Coia, one of the insurgents against
Kirkland, and his father have both occupied the office of president
of the Laborers Union. Gerald McEntee, AFSCME President and
spokesperson for the anti-Kirkland committee is the son of William
McEntee who headed the powerful Philadelphia AFSCME Council. The
elder McEntee was an old-guard candidate against Jerry Wurf”s
insurgent team. Wurf, himself, slowly changed from a young rebel into
an old white male who died in office. After Wurf’s death, McEntee
beat out Secretary-Treasurer William Lucy, who would have been the
first African-American president of a major union.
It’s hardly a secret in the Service Employees,union that John Sweeney
wants to replace Kirkland. Sweeney is seen by opponents in his union
as another over-paid, autocratic, white male president. Sweeney
supporters, however, point to renewed militancy and organizing
activity under his presidency. SEIU is one of the few unions to
commit substantial funds to organizing the unorganized (the Mine
Workers is another). The 30 percent of SEIU’s budget that is spent
for organizing has been winning results. For instance, the
industry-wide Justice for Janitors campaign has raised their
unionization rate in the Los Angeles area from 15 to 70 percent of
the workforce.
Richard Trumka, another likely candidate for either Kirkland’s or
Donahue’s job, is a white male union president, but at 45 is
considerably younger that his colleagues. Under Trumka’s leadership,
the revived United Mine Workers have undertaken and won major
strikes. Trumka, a miner from a family of miners, went to law school
before defeating the corrupt Tony Boyle machine that controlled the
union. Boyle went to jail for the murder of union reformer Jock
Yablonsky. A favorite with the rank-and-file, Trumka easily won the
Labor Notes straw ballot for AFL-CIO president.
The irrepressible miners union
Perhaps because of the dangerous nature of their work, the Mine
Workers have always displayed a militancy not found in many other
AFL-CIO unions. Miner’s have upset more than one carefully built
union, apple cart.
There was one AFL president that no one talks about. John McBride, a
United Mine Workers president, unseated the AFL icon, Samuel Gompers
in Nov. 1893. The Pullman Railway strike, led by Eugene Debs, had
just been lost and many accused Gompers of sabotaging it. The
Socialist Party was growing rapidly and Gompers was anti-Socialist. A
Populist movement was sweeping the Midwest. Gompers was against it.
John McBride, like Richard Trumka, was president of the United Mine
Workers. Gompers made a comeback the following year and never again
was an incumbent AFL or AFL-CIO president in danger of winning
reelection.
Yet another Mine Workers president, John L. Lewis, punched an
old-guard AFL leader J.C. Hutcheson of the Carpenters in the nose
during the 1935 AFL convention in Atlantic City. Lewis’s physical and
symbolic blow started a chain of events that resulted in the founding
of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). The CIO, in turn,
organized the mass production industries and brought organized labor
to its pinnacle of power and prestige in the late 1930s and
1940s.
The Mine Workers, under Trumka’s leadership, have pioneered a
rediscovered tactic for the labor movement-civil disobedience.
Members from a growing number of unions have begun sitting down in
busy intersections, hotel lobbies and government buildings to cause
mass arrests. “CD” is even on the new curriculum of the AFL-CIO’s
Organizing Institute.
As labor lawyer Thomas Geoghegan pointed out in his book, Which Side
Are You On: Trying To Be For Labor When It’s Flat On Its Back, almost
all of the tactics used by labor during the great upsurge of the
1930s, including sit-ins, mass picketing, secondary boycotts and
strikes over grievances, are now illegal. It’s also illegal to engage
in civil disobedience, such as blocking traffic, but the penalty, in
most cases, is a slap on the hand. CD can be viewed as an attempt to
find a tactic that won’t nail the union on serious legal charges or
big fines. It’s also a cry for media attention from a movement that
needs public support.
Steve Lerner, the architect of SEIU’s Justice for Janitors campaign,
says labor must recognize that it’s now in “a life and death struggle
with the very corporations, politicians and government with whom
we’ve spent a lifetime building relationships and trying to get
along.” Civil disobedience and non-violent direct action are two
tactics labor must embrace, says Lerner. Militant actions, “show that
the labor movement is worth fighting for and it stands for values and
beliefs that are so important that they are worth going to jail for,”
continues Lerner. He calls for organizing 1 percent o labor’s members
into an army of activists ready to risk arrest.
That the AFL-CIO should lead any struggle is contrary to the long
cherished beliefs of Lane Kirkland and his predecessor, George Meany.
The CIO grew rapidly in the 1930s and 1940s by coordinating
organizing drives for entire industries. When Walter Reuther,
president of the CIO, and George Meany, president of the AFL, brought
the two organizations together in 1955, the AFL won the battle of
style and substance. Meany scoffed at Reuther’s organizing
initiatives: “He was always urging a big organizing drive … there
was never much of a follow-through on it,” said the former plumber
who bragged he never walked a picket line. Kirkland, like his mentor,
would rather leave organizing and coordinated bargaining to the 83
national and international unions that belong to his federation.
Disaster upon disaster
Lane Kirkland was recommended to George Meany back in the 1950s,
says a Maritime union official, as someone who knew his way around
Congress. Instead of remaining his asset, Congress has now become an
albatross around Kirkland’s neck. Not only has he failed to win any
labor law reform during his 15-year tenure, but he almost gave the
store away in 1992. Union members learned through newspaper stories
on June 11 that Kirkland had offered to limit unions’ right to strike
in exchange for restricting the use of permanent replacements. Not
only was it the first time in history that labor had voluntarily
offered to limit the right to strike, but it came out of the blue and
was quickly rejected by Congressional Republicans.
Kirkland’s forgive-and-forget attitude toward Democrats who voted for
NAFTA also angered union members who,’a short-time earlier, had been
told that thousands of jobs were at stake in the free-trade vote.
After being shown such generosity by Kirkland, pro-labor Democrats
voted in droves for GATT, in spite of the AFL-CIO’s opposition.
The continual drubbing labor receives from Democrats has not moved
Kirkland to question the AFL-CIO’s link with them. Although several
international unions have officially embraced Labor Party Advocates,
which is campaigning for the creation of a working-class based
political party, Kirkland sees no need for creating a labor
party.
“I can only tell you that we do have a Labor Party. It’s called COPE.
It’s the Committee on Political Education. It functions independently
of parties and is for all practical purposes a labor party,” Kirkland
told reporters last February. That COPE runs no, candidates of its
own and is repeatedly trapped into supporting moderate or
conservative Democrats as the lesser of two evils seems to be beside
the point.
Labor’s political course will be hotly debated even if Kirkland is
driven from office in October. Of the insurgents-Trumka, Ron Carey of
the Teamsters, and Bob Wages of the Oil, Chemical and Atomic
Workers-support Labor Party Advocates, while McEntee, Sweeney, and
other international presidents remain firmly committed to the
Democrats.
Even if the most militant of Kirkland’s opponents take charge of the
AFL-CIO, they will still face a daunting task of giving unions and
workers some power in the global’ economy. The technological changes
that have been called the second industrial revolution are changing
the nature of work, dismantling factories and moving whole industries
around the world faster than unions can organize workers, even under
the best conditions.
The rebel alliance
In labor’s upsurge in the 1930s, the CIO made a tactical alliance
with the Communists to fight this country’s capitalists. During the
social compact, Meany and Kirkland made a strategic alliance with
capitalists to fight communism, I at home and abroad. To win workers’
rights in the new global economy, the AFL-CIO will have to align with
workers, of all political hues, throughout the world to fight
capitalists, regardless of whether they are headquartered in Tokyo,
London, or New York.
Some unions, like the Teamsters and United Electrical Workers, are
sending help and organizers to Mexico to defend their unions.
Cross-border organizing drives and coordinated bargaining led by a
revived AFL-CIO may be the only way to keep U.S. workers’ wages from
sinking to third world levels.
In spite of Kirkland’s slow uptake, the Cold War is over. A
monolithic Soviet Bloc no longer blocks access to any markets.
Regional and national capital is free to roam the world in search of
the highest rate of profit. Only a ragtag band of labor unions,
divided by craft, industry, and country, stands in the way of
complete and total domination over the workplace by transnational
corporations.
This article, without the subheads, appeared in Z Magazine,
July/August 1995 issue of Z Magazine. Republished by James R Smith on Nov. 10, 2022.
November 10, 2022
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